THE CAGED MELODIES
Steel rimmed spectacles. Clad in white khadi. Perched comfortably against the wall, his frail figure half hidden behind a spinning wheel. The description can only fuel the imagination enough to be able to form a silhouette of a man. Yet, my readers bask in the knowledge that this man, whose portrait has just been painted by me, is none other than the illustrious M.K. Gandhi. Perhaps they even gloat at this affirmation. Gandhi has been glorified to such an extent that the Indian mind discerns independence to be a relic of his endeavors. This veneration, so deeply ingrained in our minds, extends to a few more figures; the rest remain creepers, vibrantly displayed on the strengthening trellis of the few central figures.
Perhaps this is why I write this piece, to lift their unheard melodies from the depths of the abyss. An individual I find particularly inspiring is Vappala P. Menon. The obvious reflection of his wit was in the idea that, should the princely states choose to join the Indian Union, they would have retained all powers other than Defense, Foreign affairs, and Communication. In this manner, the vested interests of all parties concerned, would be secured. The anvils, on which a unified India rests, were a product of his political ingenuity, as reflected in his relentless cajoling of the princely states to join the Indian Union. He employed tools of flattery and subtle threats to persuade more than five hundred Princely states to concede to the Indian Union. The presence of his diplomatic tactics acted as a guiding light for the Princely states, that had lost their vision amidst the turbulence of the partition waves. When the Afridi tribesmen invaded Srinagar, he immediately flew to Jammu, and came back with an executed Instrument of Succession, having taken advantage of the catastrophic predicament Kashmir was wound up in. The nonchalance that reflected in his demeanor as the young Maharaja of Jodhpur uncapped his pen to reveal a small pistol, remained even as this pistol was put to Menon’s head. While a unified India remains drenched in the gratification towards Menon, modern India solely unveils statues of Sardar Patel, simultaneously obliviating the legacy of Menon. His praises as sung by me though, are yet to reach the zenith. Although admittedly, his contribution towards women emancipation cannot be encapsulated in my amateur melodies. He was the one who extended the right to vote to women as well. Every time a woman casts a vote, the pages of history mellifluously flip to the chapter on Menon.
History, to a large extent, has disregarded women contributions to the independence of India. While male figures find numerous mentions, one has to look beneath the layers of dust gathered in the attic to find a similar mention for women. Were women peripheral to the cause? Was the essence of their contribution so trivial that it is not deemed fit for a mere passing mention? This was not the case. Perhaps misogyny was ingrained in the minds, and upbringing of the writers of history, for we have several women who did not bow under the tyrannical weight of colonization. One such example is that of Vijay Lakshmi Pandit. While India struggled with balancing itself on the edge of the colonial cliff, here was a woman who held a cabinet position, enthusiastically participated in Civil Disobedience movements, and bore the resultant imprisonment stoically. A woman’s active engagement in such matters was then viewed with much despondency, and it was a rare sight, much like shriveled buds in the midst of the blossoming Spring. Another woman whose name deserves a mention is Savitri Bhai Phule, a pioneer of women’s rights in India. Despite facing opposition rooted in orthodox and baseless beliefs, she worked to educate women. While the idea of women education may not be central to achieving freedom from despotic colonizers, it certainly is significant in liberation of a country from its conventional, and rather irrational mindsets. Her contribution tantamounted to unshackling of an India resistant to social evils. Women were thus at the very forefront, yet their unacknowledged contributions lie cold and unblinking in their graves.
We should want that the caged melodies of our freedom fighters be released into the expansive wild, where the wind would carry their legacies to lands that lie far beyond.
CHANGING NOTIONS OF THE IDEA OF ‘PURNA SWARAJ’ – APARAJITA PAURANIK
‘A parrot is caged for its ability to mimic which makes it seem like it can talk, whereas a crow is free.’ Sadly, this is the state of Indian democracy in the status quo, where the intellectuals, the people who have the courage to speak their mind, people raising their voices, are all caged(jailed) or soon will be.
As we trace our history, we realize that ‘Purna Swaraj’ was the declaration that was a bold and necessary move by the INC- Indian National Congress on 26 January 1930. This was the resolution with the aim of freeing our motherland from the clutches of the Britishers, this was a call for complete self-rule all over the nation. It was the strong resolve, dedication, and patriotism of the people that contributed to the Indian National Movement. The Indians were no longer ready to be suppressed by the colonizers and wanted complete freedom, not dominion status. This declaration was very near to the hearts of the leaders at that time as they had celebrated 26th January as Independence Day since 1930 onwards. Later, when India became independent in the month of August, it was decided that the previous date would be commemorated as Republic Day. Therefore, every year as we proudly celebrate Republic Day, we remember the declaration of Purna Swaraj made by our forefathers and foremothers. We are reminded of their sacrifice, of their love, and most of all, of the ideals they wanted to pass down to our generation.
So many weathers have gone by since the Britishers formally handed over the rule of our homeland back where it rightfully belongs. Now, in the 21st century, almost 75 years of freedom from foreign rule, the notion of ‘self-rule’, the notion of ‘Purna Swaraj’ has changed. Our generation did not face the ‘Red coats’ stifling the cries of freedom of our brothers and sisters, but our generation is facing the stifling of our voices by the political authorities. Participation of the citizens and their voices should be the core of democracy. However, according to the trend being followed, the students, activists, protestors, journalists, farmers, almost anyone voicing their concern, putting forth their demands, showing their dissent are being booked under various acts, including but not limited to the UAPA- Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act. In December 2021, the centre informed The House of the People, Lok Sabha that approximately 57% of the people arrested under the UAPA in the time period 2018-20 are below the age of 30 years. There
has been a huge outcry nationally and internationally on the misuse of such anti-terror laws and attempts to mute the demands of the citizens in India. For us, ‘Purna Swaraj’ will not be achieved when there will be a political transfer of power to the nation as it was in the past, it is something more comprehensive. ‘Purna Swaraj’ will be achieved when we will be able to self-rule, with no authority in our nation coercing us to stop protesting, branding us ‘anti-national’ when they are paranoid that our actions are ‘anti-government,’ i.e. not agreeing with the policies of the government. In the present times, the government is leaving no room for the citizens to peacefully protest or voice their views. People have been arrested for their writings, speeches, memes, even jokes- if it was anything against our beloved Prime Minister or the party. It is high time we realize that our goal as a nation is not to form a personality cult but to build a nation where each individual has the opportunity to hone their skills and contribute to the development of India. This will only be possible when we are free in the truest sense-when we are not afraid to raise our voice in the face of injustice, when we do not wait in our Ivory towers to realize that this is unacceptable only when it is our turn to be purged. The recent demonstrations in the country brought back the words of Faiz Ahmed Faiz, one of the most celebrated writers and poets and it was a surprise to observe how a nazm written by him against Military dictator Zia-ul-Haq in the late 1970s, would resonate with the citizens of our generation. In the words of Faiz Ahmed Faiz
Ham Dekhenge
Lazim hai ki ham bhi dekhenge
Vo din ke jis ka vaada hai
Jo loh-e-azm mei likha hai
In these introductory lines, Faiz says ‘Inevitably, we shall see the day that was promised to us, decreed on the tablet of eternity.’ This day can be understood as the day when democracy will be reinstalled.
Aur raj karegi Khalk-e-khuda
Jo mai bhi hu aur tum bhi
In these concluding lines, a part of the whole nazm, Faiz says “When the clarion call of ‘I am Truth’ will ring out, all God’s creature will rule, those like me and those like you.”
What we seek as part of ‘Purna Swaraz’ is beautifully summarised in this reference made to the rule by each one of us. We dream of a time when Indians will not be suppressed or punished for exercising the right to freedom of speech and expression which is guaranteed in article 19(1) (a) of the Constitution of India. We dream of a time when dissent will not be considered the enemy of democracy but a vital part. We dream of a time when ‘Purna Swaraj’ will be achieved.
Minoo Masani- The Blazing Liberal
Minocher Rustom “Minoo” Masani was born on 20 November 1905 to Rustom Masani and Manijeh. He completed schooling in Bombay and went to study law from London School of Economics (LSE), where Masani was influenced by socialism. During his time at LSE, Masani’s fellow student was VK Krishna Menon (a future defence minister). Strangely, he drew away from Menon not for his communist views but not for being enough of a communist! (Raju & Shah, 2001).
In 1927, after a visit to the Soviet Union (USSR), Minoo Masani became an admirer of the country and its New Economic Policy (NEP) introduced by Lenin. The NEP allowed some form of private enterprise and was similar to independent India’s economic policies. In 1928, Masani joined the Bar of Bombay High Court.
Soon enough, he joined the freedom struggle and began organising volunteers for the Civil Disobedience Movement. In 1932, he was arrested for the first time. In 1933, he was arrested again and sent to the Nasik jail where he met Jayaprakash Narayan. Together, they formed the Congress Socialist Party (CSP) within the Indian National Congress in 1934. Masani spent his time spreading the ideals of socialism throughout India. During this time, Masani also became friends with Nehru. In 1935, he went back to the USSR and wrote a 90 page booklet Soviet Sidelights where he praised its achievements. The Communist International at its meeting in Moscow in 1935 declared a policy of United Front with other parties and groups in India (Raju, 2007).
Minoo Masani’s radical socialist activism cost him dearly. His father didn’t like all this and asked Masani to move out of his home. This obviously made things difficult for him as it left him with no means of living. As far as CSP was concerned, Communists began infiltrating and soon began dominating it, by excluding other parties. Masani also became concerned about Stalinist purges and forced collectivisation of agriculture (in the late 30s and early 40s).
In May 1934, Gandhiji invited Masani to accompany the former on a walking tour of Orissa. At the time, many in the CSP (including Masani) believed that Satyagraha and non-violence were ineffective. Masani hoped to convince Gandhiji of his point and convert him to his type of socialism. He later corresponded with Gandhiji over various subjects like princes and nationalisation. At that time, Masani vehemently disagreed with Gandhiji. Over a period of time, he began to see Gandhiji’s point that the state is a big threat to liberty. Masani realised that Gandhiji was a revolutionary under the cover of a conservative.
So wrote Masani,
“Two fundamentals I accepted from Gandhi’s thought- first, that the end does not justify the means, and that no decent social order can evolve through the use of force or fraud; and that in the second half of the twentieth century, the omnivorous state is in danger of becoming the biggest single threat to human liberty. No school of thought or system of government offends against these two beliefs as violently as totalitarian Communism” (Raju & Shah, 2001).
From Gandhi, he learnt many other important things like hating the sin and not the sinner and the importance of decentralisation.
Under these circumstances, Minoo Masani resigned from the CSP in 1939 and retired from politics altogether. He began questioning his beliefs. In the same year (1944), he wrote his bestselling book for children, Our India, which showed that he had yet to give up on socialism. It was because Masani believed that “you cannot replace something with nothing. You must replace something with something better.”
He raised these questions in his essay Socialism Reconsidered (1944) (link in references) wherein he questioned Marxist dogmas. His words deserve to be reproduced in full here:
“There are atleast four major assumptions of Marxism, – there may be more – which, I believe, need to be reconsidered. The first of these is that the abolition of private property and its nationalisation will automatically bring in economic democracy and a classless society. It has not been shown in Russia that it need do nothing of the sort. What was not adequately appreciated by socialist thinkers of earlier times was that, while nationalised industry may belong to the State, the State itself may not belong to the people; that in the process of achieving collectivised economy, political democracy may get lost on the way”
“The second Marxist assumption that needs reviewing is that the Dictatorship of the Proletariat (that is, of the Party on behalf of the Proletariat) is a possible and indeed a necessary transition state to Socialism. The theory was that having served its purpose the dictatorship would evaporate, and indeed, as Lenin following Engels put it: ‘The State will then wither away’. What was overlooked was the fact established through history that, in the words of Lord Acton: ‘Power tends to corrupt and absolute power corrupts absolutely’”
“A third Marxist assumption that appears to be unable to stand a review of the past two decades is that socialism can be achieved by appealing to the collective selfishness of the working class and its collective hatred for the property-owning classes…But unfortunately the appeal to the collective selfishness of the workers leads quite as often to their becoming a party to exploitation and injustice. We have already seen how the British working class, being given a minor share in the profits of the Empire, becomes through the Labour Party a party to the perpetuation of imperialism, which is the very antithesis of a world socialist order.”
“Yet another belief – and one held till now by all socialists – is that socialism is the only alternative to capitalism… You had somehow to destroy capitalism and then, as day follows night, socialism must dawn. But must it? That old type capitalism is played out is obvious. But will socialism inevitably follow or is there not a third ‘something’ that is likely to emerge?”
Around this time, Masani began working for JRD Tata (from 1941-57). Here, he became involved in activities related to corporate social responsibility and worker’s participation in business. Masani believed that socialists didn’t have any monopoly over social justice. He supported collective bargaining and the right to strike. Masani also worked for worker’s participation in management. He collaborated with JRD Tata on the same. A 1956 agreement signed between management of Tata Iron and Steel Company (TISCO) and Tata Worker’s Union. It provided for joint consultation on various aspects of the company. Masani noted in his memoirs that the scheme worked well, not only ensuring harmonious relations but in times of communal rioting (Raju, 2007).
After abandoning socialism, Masani turned to a mixed economy, under which both the state and private enterprises coexisted in the economy while ensuring individual freedom. In 1947, he articulated the idea of a mixed economy, with three sectors: a small sector of nationalised industries (which would be decided by an independent commission), a larger sector of new public enterprises in areas where what he called ‘free enterprise’ was unable to venture into, and a third, largest sector of free enterprises (Goyal, 2015).
In 1945, he represented Bombay in the Indian Legislative Assembly. Towards the end of 1946 the Indian Legislative Assembly converted itself into the Constituent Assembly to draft the Constitution of India (Raju, 2007). He was a part of the Sub-Committee on Fundamental Rights. During his time as member of the Constituent Assembly, Minoo Masani wanted a clause for uniform civil code in the Fundamental Rights. However, he wasn’t successful in this regard.
Minoo Masani also passionately sought to introduce the proportional representation (PR) system of elections in India. He believed that there would no need for reservation of legislature seats for Dalits and others if the PR system was introduced. On this issue, Masani had the support of Dr. Ambedkar, Anglo-Indians, Christians and Muslims. They were prepared not to insist on reservations if voting in elections was by the method of proportional representation (Raju, 2007).Ultimately, Masani’s proposal was shot down. In 1948, he was also appointed India’s first ambassador to Brazil.
Towards the late 40s and early 50s, Masani found himself increasingly at odds with Nehru on issues like communism, Tibet, China and USSR. While Nehru would support the USSR, Masani would be pro-America and Europe. As a result, he decided to skip the 1952 general elections and ceased to be a Congress member by not renewing his membership.
The Second Five Year plan of 1956 convinced Masani that a new party based on liberal principles was needed. However, new general elections were happening in 1957 and it was too late to start a new party. Hence, Minoo Masani contested and won as an independent candidate from Ranchi. He asked Rajaji and Jayaprakash Narayan to lead his proposed liberal party but both declined.
However, Masani’s proposal received a big boost after the 1959 Nagpur session of the Congress where a resolution on joint cooperative farming was adopted. Many Congress members opposed this. Rajaji and a set of other leaders formed the pro-market Swatantra Party on 7 June 1959. Masani was elected as its first general secretary and later become the President. The Swatantra Party performed well and won 44 seats in the 1967 Lok Sabha elections, becoming the main opposition party. It also had a formidable presence in states like Orissa, Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu.
In 1971, all the parties opposing Indira Gandhi formed a “Grand Alliance” and came up with the slogan of “Indira Hatao.” Masani was against this and wanted a common minimum program instead. The 1971 elections were a disaster and Minoo Masani resigned as party President, retiring from politics. Despite Masani’s stiff opposition, the Swatantra party itself merged with the Bhartiya Kranti Dal in 1974. This was the end of independent India’s only liberal party.
In his retirement, he actively fought against press censorship under the Emergency. JP Narayan invited Masani to be a part of the Coordinating Committee of opposition leaders. Given his past experience in the 1971 elections, Masani declined. The Janata government invited him to head a minorities commission. He accepted on 2 conditions: that there would be no remuneration for the job (as Masani didn’t want to become a government servant) and the commission would be an independent statutory body. However, Masani resigned within 3 months as the government didn’t fulfil its promises and never bothered to consult the commission.
The chairmanship of the Minorities Commission was the only official position held by Masani, apart from being India’s ambassador to Brazil in 1948. Masani returned to Bombay and resumed his consultancy work. He also wrote columns for The Statesmen. In May 1981 he founded the Society for the Right to Die with Dignity, to campaign for the right of persons who were terminally ill to end their life if they wanted to (Raju, 2007). In 1985, he created a Project for Economic Education to spread the ideals of economic freedom and move India away from socialism. He died on 27 May 1998 and was cremated in Mumbai’s Chandanwai crematorium.
Masani had a long and illustrious career as a parliamentarian (from 1945-71), from both the ruling and opposition benches. Like Nehru, he had great respect for parliamentary traditions and procedures. Masani never opposed for the sake of opposition. For example, he persuaded the Swatantra party to support Indira Gandhi’s devaluation of the Indian rupee in the 1960s. For ten years from 1959 to 1970 Masani opened the debate on the Finance Bill which follows the introduction of the Annual Union Budget (Raju, 2007). He was the main speaker against the government’s “socialist” budget policies and proposed measures like tax reforms, abolishing permits and licences.
Throughout his life, Minoo Masani never compromised his beliefs for power. Minoo Masani could have easily accepted socialism, admired Soviet Union and as a result, become Nehru’s favourite. But he remained true to his principles and this meant that he never became a Minister. It is easy to be in the Opposition if the individual concerned sees little prospect of power. But to be near it and yet reject if it meant compromising with one’s principles, required courage and integrity of a high order. And these qualities Masani had in abundance (Raju, 2007). The farthest he reached was the post of India’s ambassador to Brazil and member of Constituent Assembly.
Masani had an uncanny ability to express his thoughts in clear and precise form. One can take a look at his essay Liberalism (link in references) as a good example of his brevity. In Liberalism, he lists out the basic characteristics of the ideology: tolerance, equal respect for all religions, pragmatism, pluralism, non-determinism, justice, modernism and a free economy. Masani vigorously rejected the false dichotomy between bread and freedom, saying “It is only the free man who has a right to ask for bread. Because he has the right, he has got the strength, he has the vote.” He also made a very important point about intolerant nationalism. On this, he wrote
“Of course, love of the country must be there. When the country is attacked, we must rush to its rescue. We must make sacrifices for it every day. But we don’t want to be chauvinists. We don’t have to hate foreigners. We don’t have to throw out missionaries.”
For a liberal who never stifled contrary views (if he [Masani] chaired a meeting or a discussion he ensured that everybody who wanted to speak got the chance), he [Masani] ran his office and secretariat with an iron hand and was unwilling to see the other point of view. His chronic inability to be flexible even where principles were not involved arose from his refusal to see gray. Either a thing was black or white (Raju & Shah, 2001). Masani would also not tolerate people who were not as competent as him. His judgement of people also left much to be desired.
Nevertheless, Minoo Masani undoubtedly represented one of the high tides of Indian liberalism and with his demise, the tide came to be swept away. He never compromised on his integrity and had the courage to defy Nehru. Today’s liberals would do well to take inspiration from his life. Liberals would be well advised not to get embroiled into narrow “leftist” or “rightist” politics. They should always look forward and work towards a better future. As Minoo Masani rightly put it in his essay Liberalism, the essence of liberalism is “neither left nor right, but right ahead.”
References
Goyal, N. (2015, December 30). Opposition leaders of today can learn something from politician Minoo Masani’s ideas. Youth Ki Awaaz. Retrieved January 28, 2022, from https://www.youthkiawaaz.com/2015/12/minoo-masani/
Kashyap, S. (2019, December 4). Minoo Masani: From socialism to liberal swatantra party. Spontaneous Order. Retrieved January 28, 2022, from https://spontaneousorder.in/minoo-masani-from-socialism-to-liberal-swatantra-party/
Masani, M. (1965, January 1). The Economics of Freedom. Libertarianism.org. Retrieved January 28, 2022, from https://www.libertarianism.org/publications/essays/economics-freedom?utm_content=bufferc0eb9&utm_medium=social&utm_source=twitter.com&utm_campaign=buffer
Masani, M. (1995). Reconsidering Socialism. In Minoo Masani 90: A Tribute to the Founder of Freedom First (pp. 7–15). essay, Freedom First.
Masani, M. (2003, July). Liberalism. Freedom First. Retrieved January 28, 2022, from http://www.freedomfirst.in/freedom-first/pdf/liberalism-minoo-masani.pdf
Masani, Z. (2019, June 16). No Accident India Forgot swatantra leader & my father Minoo Masani, the beef-eating Parsi. ThePrint. Retrieved January 28, 2022, from https://theprint.in/opinion/no-accident-india-forgot-swatantra-leader-my-father-minoo-masani-the-beef-eating-parsi/250483/
Minoo Masani. Indian Liberals. (2020, October). Retrieved January 28, 2022, from https://indianliberals.in/content/minoo-masani/
Raju, S. V. (2001). Minoo Masani: The Making of a Liberal . In P. J. Shah (Ed.), Profiles in Courage: Dissent on Indian Socialism (pp. 1–33). essay, Centre for Civil Society. Retrieved January 28, 2022, from https://ccs.in/sites/all/books/com_books/profiles_in_courage.pdf.
Raju, S. V. (2007). Minoo Masani. National Book Trust, India.
Documented and Reported by Media Team, Vrittanta
Vrittanta, CHRIST(Deemed to be University) 